By Dr. Richard Pankhurst:-
We saw last week that the Ethiopian Patriots held their own against
the Italian fascist occupation forces throughout 1937, and the first
months of 1938. In that connection we cited an important statement, on
Patriot activities, issued by Emperor Haile Sellasie, on 7 May of the
latter year.
The Emperor’s Statement
The Emperor’s statement observed further that “the resistance of the
population” was “more intensive, united and effective than at any time
since the Italian Army extended its invasion in the autumn of 1936″.
There was, moreover “every reason to believe that armed resistance”
would “be intensified on a greater scale during the coming rainy season
when the Italian Air Force could not be “effectively employed… The
present situation in Ethiopia,” the statement concluded, “will be
appreciated if it is realised that over at least three-quarters of the
country the Italian authorities have no military control beyond an area
varying from roughly 10 to about 30
miles radius around the larger
towns. In fact, over at least half the country there is no military
control, the military posts only maintaining their existence through
fortifications, and the troops being unable to venture to a distance or
to penetrate the hilly and mountainous regions.”
Discussions in Rome
The Patriots’ “revolt” meanwhile continued to be the subject of much
discussion in Rome. Graziani, according to Mussolini’s son-in-law Ciano,
declared himself, on 26 May, “not very convinced of the possibility” of
the Duke of Aosta as Viceroy, on the grounds that the latter was “weak
and too much in the hands of subordinates.” Gasparini, a former governor
of Eritrea, according to Ciano notes, expressed “a rather similar
opinion”, but was “more hopeful than Graziani, about the possibility of
pacifying the Empire within a relatively brief period.” Another case of
false optimism!
The Russian, Colonel Konovalov
For a glimpse of the actual situation in fascist-occupied Ethiopia we
may conveniently turn to the memoirs of a Russian emigre Colonel
Konovalov. He records that there were then “still many areas of
disaffection” against Italian rule, and adds:
“Even the principal roads, such as the Addis Ababa-Dessie and other
main arteries were always shaken by the blows of the strong guerrilla
bands, the principal of which was under the leadership of the famous
Ethiopian patriot and leader, the Balambaras Abeba Aragai.”
Italian lorries and cars, he explains, had therefore to travel “mostly in day-time, and in guarded columns.”
The Views of George Steer
The Emperor’s above-quoted assessment was later corroborated by the
distinguished British journalist George Steer. After making careful
inquiries at Djibouti, he informed the “Manchester Guardian”, in August
1938, that the Patriots of Gojam had succeeded for a time in “mastering
the whole of that province west and north-west of Debra Markos”, though
they had been dispersed in May, albeit after fierce fighting. “For the
whole of this year indeed from October last,” he declared, “the Italians
have had to face really strenuous resistance in at least three parts of
the territory – Gojam, Ankober, and Nonno.” Until the previous month
indeed two Patriot leaders, Abebe Aregai and Takale Wolde Hawariat, had
never been more than eighty miles from Addis Ababa. Rebutting the
repeated Italian claim that these and other leaders were merely
“rebels”, he declared that on the contrary they included “men from the
greatest and richest Amhara families, accustomed to a life of ease and
comfort, who have found guerrilla warfare all but intolerable, but go on
fighting,” One could therefore, he said, “still talk of a bitter
resistance by leading Amharas.”
Steer’s analysis was accepted by a contemporary historian, L. Isaacs,
who concluded: “The facts show that the conquest of Ethiopia is far
from complete. Violent fighting is going on – most of it centred in
Amhara.”
Italian Optimism
Cavallero, the Italian commander-in chief in East Africa, nonetheless
churned out another optimistic report, and informed Ciano, on 6
September, that he expected “to be able to liquidate the last centre of
rebellion before Christmas.” Two more Christmases were to come and go
without his fulfilling that hope. He also declared, with similar
misplaced optimism, that “in the event of a general war”, i.e. a
European conflict he was “not afraid of a large-scale rising of the
inhabitants.”
Ethiopian View of the Situation
The attitude and aspirations of the Patriots in the middle of 1938,
that is to say a year or so prior to the outbreak of the European war,
is apparent from a number of petitions which they despatched to the
Emperor Haile Sellasie, who duly submitted them to the league of
Nations, in Geneva.
One such document, an anonymous one, dated 12 July 1938 , declared:
“The Italians occupy the towns of Debre Tabor and Gondar in the
Province of Begemder; Lalibela and Waldia in the Province of Yejou;
Dessie and Worreylou in the Province of Wollo. With the exception of
these fortified districts all the Italian garrisons that had taken up
positions in these three Provinces have been destroyed by us. All that
territory is in our hands.”
Notwithstanding this confident note, the authors recognised the
virtual invincibility of the Italian forts, and urged the need for
modern weapons. “During the season of the rains,” they declared, “we
tried to attack the enemy in their forts, but they were too well guarded
with their artillery and machine-guns and the barbed wire which
encircles them from the plain onwards. For the future, what your humble
servants need most of all are aeroplanes, also arms, as well as
ammunition for the rifles we have captured from the enemy. Your people
is not in want of soldiers.”
Another letter, written on 25 July 1938 by Lij Yohannes Iyasu, a son
of the Emperor Menelik’s grandson Lij Iyasu, was designed to emphasise
the unity of the Ethiopian people in opposing the invader. The letter
declared it “evident that the Italians wish to exterminate the people of
Ethiopia and not to establish justice there.” The actions of the
Italians, the prince continued, had in this way unified the Ethiopians: ”
Our people”, he claimed, “are united with one heart in this war. The
Italians in Ethiopia live in little forts surrounded by barbed wire
entanglements. But they have not been able to conquer the country.”
Another document, addressed to Haile Sellasie, at about this time was more declamatory in tone, and declared:
“Our sufferings are mitigated and our hopes are raised by the
knowledge that Your Majesty is standing before the Assembly of Nations,
the Sceptre of Solomon in your hand, to proclaim to the world how your
defenceless people are being unjustly exterminated, to beseech the
League of Nations to come to our aid, and, pointing out the unheard of
atrocities that we are undergoing at the hands of the Italians, to
obtain an equitable judgment, and to put an end to the scourge which has
fallen upon us.
“Woe to those nations which will not accord equitable justice to this
Emperor of Ethiopia, respectful and loyal to his engagements, who
stands before them in his pure majesty to demand justice – for they will
incur the responsibility of inciting the wrath of God…
“Let the Roman Caesar stay quietly in Rome; Ethiopia belongs to the Ethiopians.”
Further Statements to the League of Nations
Further evidence of the spirit of the Patriots was afforded in a
petition, dated 1 October 1938. from three of the leaders of Shoa:
Dejazmatch Mangasha Wosseni, Dejazmatch Abebe Aragai, and Fitawrari
Zewde Abbacorra. Rejecting the Italian claim to be in effective control
of the country, they too declared:
“This is false. Apart from those dwelling in the neighbourhood of her
fortifications and roads, the Ethiopian people – from the low-lying
plain to high plateau – have not submitted to Italy. For this reason
human blood flows in a stream each day… We do not cease to shed our
blood for the independence of our country, appealing for justice and
hoping to obtain it from the League of Nations.”
Letters were also submitted to the League by several other Patriot
leaders, among them Dezjazmatch Mangasha Jambere and Lij Tafari
Mangasha.
A “Liberal” Viceroy
Conscious of the failure of Graziani’s policy of terrorism the Duke
of Aosta adopted a somewhat more “liberal” policy, and mitigated some of
the worst excesses of his predecessor. One Eritrean observer, Fitawrari
Asfaha Walda Mikael, later noted: “one could notice a tendency to
reduce the number of crimes against the Ethiopians. Qualifying this
statement he nevertheless observed:
“That moderation was limited to Addis Ababa and other principal
cities and areas immediately dominated by Italian garrisons. The policy
in areas of active patriot resistance remained relatively unchanged…
Burning, pillaging and murders were there regarded as a `military
necessity’.”
Graziani’s old policy of executions without judicial process
nevertheless now came in for official criticism. Thus on 12 January
1939, General Martini reported that “recently two gravely illegal acts
have taken place, committed by officers and officials against natives
who have been executed summarily without observance of judicial
procedure.” Explaining the new policy, he added, “Persons who are not
killed in action or are not surprised in a criminal act must not be
subjected to summary treatment and executed. They must receive the
treatment prescribed by the regulations of the Viceroy [i.e. Aosta] or
be brought before the judicial authority.”
Underlining the politically undesirable consequences of arbitrary
repression, as formerly practiced by Graziani, the memorandum continued:
“Acts of this kind caused revolt last year with well known consequences
an repercussions, perpetrating the general conviction of absolute lack
of any judicial security provided by the Authorities”.
Source: http://www.linkethiopia.org
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