By Dr. Richard Pankhurst:-
We saw on before artcles that, during the Italian fascist occupation of 
Ethiopia, the fascist Viceroy, Graziani. decided to eliminate what he 
called the “witch-doctors and soothsayers”, because they opposed the 
fascist regime. Mussolini gave the resultant murders his personal 
approval. He telegraphed back to Graziani, on 20 March 1937: “I approve 
what has been done concerning wizards and rebels. It must continue until
 the situation is radically and definitely peaceful”, i.e. until the 
country was what he called “pacified”.
Shootings and Deportations
Shootings and deportations of “witchdoctors and sooth-sayers”, 
accordingly continued apace. On 21 March, Graziani reported to the Duce 
that, “excluding the repressions of February l9th and 20th,” i.e. those 
connected with the massacre associated with his name, there had been 324
 summary executions in a month, 
and that 1,100 men, women and children 
had been deported to the concentration camp at Danane, in Somalia.
“In Large Measure Eliminated”
A couple of days later the Viceroy despatched further telegrams to 
his commanders in various parts of the country to state that the 
“hermits, wizards, soothsayers and travelling minstrels,” whose “stupid 
prophecies ” had created ” excitement or at least perplexity” among the 
population of the capital, had been “in large measure eliminated.” Those
 who enjoyed the greatest credit, and who were hence considered the most
 dangerous, had been shot, while the others were deported. He went on to
 urge that, “while this work of purification continued at Addis Ababa, 
“it was “necessary that it should be extended to all the territory of 
former Shoa”, as well as to “the various governorates in the case that 
preachings or prophecies are directed against the Government or 
interfere with public order in any manner at all.”
“Will Be Shot”
General Nasi, the fascist Governor of Harar, replied on 23 April: 
“Wizards and soothsayers will be shot without trial.” Other official 
Italian telegrams of this period provide details of numerous executions 
of persons considered guilty of “spreading false news”, carrying out 
“anti-Italian propaganda,” especially by “predicting the return of the 
reign of the Negus,” and, in the case of two “vagabond prophets,” 
predicting “for the next rainy season the return of Haile Selassie in 
Ethiopia.”
Such prophets paid for their boldness with their lives, and on 31 
March Graziani proudly informed the Minister of Italian Africa in Rome 
that the number of executions, since the assassination attempt, had 
reached 1,439.
Debra Libanos
The Viceroy’s vengeance fell shortly afterwards on the monks and 
deacons of Debra Libanos, the principal monastery of Shoa. On 20 May 
1937, Graziani ordered the summary execution of “all monks without 
distinction”, and on the following day reported that orders had been 
given for the shooting of “two hundred and ninety-seven monks, including
 the vice-prior and twenty-three others also deemed guilty of 
complicity”. In a later telegram, he noted that “the complicity of the 
deacons also being proved I have given orders to shoot them to the 
number of 129, at Debra Berhan. Thus there are left alive only 30 
schoolboys, who have been sent to their native homes in various 
districts of Shoa. Thus, there remains no more trace of the Debra 
Libanos monastery.”
The recent researches of Ian Campbell, of Addis Ababa, indicate that 
the enormity of the fascist action was in fact even greater than 
Graziani’s telegrams suggest. Campbell claims that the number killed was
 significantly more than Graziani stated; that the schoolboys did not go
 to their homes, as the telegram said, but were deported to Danane; and 
that graves had actually been dug for the victims almost a week before 
their “complicity” was supposedly proved.
Disarmament
Efforts to disarm the Ethiopian population continued throughout this 
period, and led, on March l8, I937, to the issue of a governatorial 
decree stating that Italians and “assimilated foreigners” could own no 
more than two long guns and two pistols, and were prohibited from 
disposing of them without permission.
A few days later, on March 2l, it was announced that up till that 
time the Ethiopian population had surrendered a total of 170,795 rifles,
 782 machine-guns, 165 cannon, and 1,380 pistols. Polson Newman, one of 
Mussolini’s British sympathisers, claimed later in the year that he had 
seen “the natives bringing in their arms”. He adds that “most of the 
piles looked more suitable for museum use than anything else”, though 
others included “most modern weapons”. “The only natives allowed to 
carry arms”, he explains, were “the Askaris, or `native’ irregulars, and
 those with special permits,” and that, as a result, “the natives no 
longer carry rifles”.
Opposition
Opposition to the regime throughout this period, the fascists 
realised, was still very strong, Graziani recognised this when he 
complained, on 7 June 1937, that anti-Italian propaganda was being 
“intensified”, by Ethiopian exiles in Djibouti, Berbera and Aden.
Fighting in Many Areas
The first half of 1937 witnessed fighting in many parts of Ethiopia. 
The battles of this period, as reported by the Italians, included a 
fascist attack on the Patriot leader Haile Mariam Mammo on 20 February, 
followed by a “rebel attack” at Tarmaber, and “rebel incursions” on 27 
February in various areas of Shoa. Fighting in Harar province was 
reported to have culminated, on 5 March, in a “bloody battle” at Gure, 
while on the following day the “rebels” are said to have suffered “very 
heavy losses” at Tarmaber.
Fierce fighting by the Patriots was also reported by the Djibouti 
correspondent of “New Times and Ethiopia News”. On 9 April he wrote that
 “everywhere the Abyssinian Chiefs have collected bands, and sworn a 
solemn oath to liberate their country or die”. He added that “strong 
Abyssinian bands” had re-appeared at Garamullata, as well as between 
Hawash and Dire Dawa.
In June, just before the rains, the Italians launched a fierce 
assault on Ras Abebe Aregai’s positions in Shoa. “While we were staying 
in the districts of Morat and Inuari”, that chief later recalled, “the 
Italians attacked us four times, and these attacks we repulsed. On the 
fifth the Italian army armed with tanks and heavy weapons supported by 
aeroplanes, attacked us and forced us to retreat. After that they began 
to exterminate the population of the said districts, including children 
and the aged.”
The Rains of 1937 Immobilise the Italians, and Bring the Patriots Some Respite
The rains of 1937 saw the Italian army once more seriously 
immobilised, with the result that the Patriots again grew more daring. 
The official Italian publication “Gli Annali dell’ Africa Italiana” 
admits that “rebel bands” increased in August, and became more 
“menacing”, particularly in Lasta, under Dejazmatch Hailu Kebede, and in
 Begemder and Gojam where there were numerous “rebel bands,” the most 
“active” being those of Dejazmatch Mangasha in southern and Belai Zeleke
 in eastern Gojam. Salome Gabre Egziabher later commented that “it was 
around August 1937 that the people of Gojam seeing the atrocious deeds 
of the Italians decided to fight and liberate first Gojam and then the 
rest of Ethiopia”.
The fascist air force was, however, once more very active. Graziani, 
reporting on fighting near Ambo, only 130 kilometres from Addis Ababa, 
noted on August 24, and again two days later, that aviation had given 
“the maximum possible assistance and destroyed without mercy”.
Situation of Fascists “By No Means Healthy”
The overall military situation of the fascists was, however, by no 
means healthy. Pirzio Biroli, the Italian governor at Gondar, observed 
on 2 September that the Italian position, especially in Gojam, was 
becoming graver. He added, on 5 September, that “the rebellion seemed to
 be spreading to Begemder”, while Graziani noted, on 3 September. that 
there was “rebellion throughout Shoa”. He added, on 10 September, that 
“the revolt in the territory of the Amhara Governorate assumes ever 
larger proportions”, and that Dejazmatch Hailu Kebede had proclaimed a 
holy war against the invaders, with the result that the “rebels 
adherents” were becoming “ever larger”.
“Becoming Graver”
Lessona, in Rome, who could not close his eyes to these developments,
 observed on 2 September that the “progressive kindling and spreading” 
of the rebellion in Lasta, Begemder and Gojam had led to “sad episodes”.
 He added, on 4 September, that “the situation, especially in Gojam, was
 becoming graver”.
“Speedy “Pacification” Demanded
The fascist leadership, alarmed at these events and by the seemingly 
unending character of the war, now intervened with the Viceroy to insist
 on the speedy “pacification” of the Empire. On 5 September, Lessona 
sent Graziani the first of several telegrams on this score. Explaining 
that incidents like those recently reported became known in the 
international field, and were therefore harmful to fascist policy, he 
declared that “the situation created in these last days in many parts of
 the Empire necessitates decisive measures of a military and political 
character. It is necessary at all costs to cut short the activities of 
the rebels in the shortest possible time”.
Their words were almost reminiscent of the famous telegram of Prime 
Minister to General Baratieri on the eve of the battle of Adwa, in 1896.
A few days later, on September l2 1937, Lessona despatched the 
Viceroy another telegram, in which he stated that “given the 
international situation it is necessary that Your Excellency uses 
maximum energy in order that conditions in the Empire return to normal 
within the present month”. He also quoted Mussolini as ordering that the
 Viceroy should “act with the maximum energy, using all means against 
the rebels, including gas. It is absolutely necessary”, he added, “to 
recapture the infected areas as soon as possible because prolonging the 
uncertain situation favours extending the rebellion”.
Three days later, the Duce himself telegraphed to Graziani. “I am 
prepared”, he declared, “to send battalions and aeroplanes, but the 
revolt must be cut short with the greatest energy and in the briefest 
possible time. Do not lose any more time”. It was almost a year and a 
half since May 1936, when he had declared to the world the victorious 
end of hostilities.
Conditions at this time were in fact so serious for the invaders that
 Graziani, in a report of 15 September 1937, found cause to note that 
“in the present situation of agitation it is necessary that the movement
 of the railway does not suffer any interruption”.
Negotiations were shortly afterwards opened with Ras Abebe Aregai, in
 the hope that he could be persuaded to lay down his arms. Graziani, 
however, commented on 19 September that he had no illusions as to the 
chief’s real intentions, but that he, for his part, would leave no stone
 unturned in order to obtain the “pacification of the territories of 
Shoa”.
Source: http://www.linkethiopia.org
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