By Dr. Richard Pankhurst:-
Having, in the last two weeks examined the beginnings of 
modernisation in the last part of Menilek’s reign, we turn now to the 
political crises of the time:
Succession Problems
The last years of Menilek’s reign, like those of several earlier 
Ethiopian rulers, were bedevilled by the problem of succession. This 
became particularly serious after 1904, when the Emperor’s health began 
visually to deteriorate. The question of the royal inheritance was the 
more serious in that the ageing monarch by then had no recognised living
 son. The presumption was that the throne would pass to the monarch’s 
cousin, Ras Makonnen, but he predeceased his ailing master in March 
1906, thus leaving the succession wide open.
The European Diplomats, and the Tripartite Convention of 1906
The impending demise of Menilek, victor of Adwa and founder of the 
modern Ethiopian state, gave rise to the persuasive idea, on the part of
 European diplomats in Addis Ababa, that his empire, which they regarded
 as an anachronism in the era of the Scramble for Africa, would soon 
disintegrate. The three neighbouring colonial powers, Britain, France 
and Italy, whom Menilek had played one against the other, now came 
together with a view to mutual cooperation. The British Foreign 
Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, and the French and Italian ambassadors in 
London accordingly signed a Tripartite Convention, on 13 December 1906. 
It declared, in Article 1, that it was the “common interest” of the 
three powers to “maintain the integrity of Ethiopia”, while “arriving at
 an understanding as to their conduct in case of a change in the 
situation”, by which they meant Menilek’s demise. The three signatories 
jointly agreed, in Article 3, that in such an eventuality they would 
maintain a policy of neutrality, and refrain from military intervention,
 except to protect their legations and foreign nationals, and that not 
one of the three powers would take any military action in the country 
except in agreement with the other two.
Economic Partition of the Country
To ensure their respective interests they agreed, however, in Article
 4, to partition the country into three spheres of influence. These were
 defined as a British, and Egyptian, interest in the Nile basin, and in 
particular in the regulation of the Nile waters; an Italian interest in 
the “hinterland” of the Italian colonies of Eritrea and Somalia, and in 
their linkage west of Addis Ababa; and a French interest in the 
“hinterland” of the French Somali Protectorate, and in the territory 
along which the railway from Addis Ababa to Jibuti was then already 
partially built.
The three signatories further agreed, in Article 10, that their 
representatives in Addis Ababa would keep each other mutually informed, 
and would cooperate in protecting their respective interests. If they 
were, for one reason or other, unable to do so, they were to inform 
their respective governments.
Without Consulting the Emperor
This agreement was concluded, significantly enough, without 
consulting the Emperor. When he was afterwards presented with a copy he 
ironically thanked the representatives of the three powers for 
acquainting him with their governments’ desire, as the treaty put it, to
 “consolidate and maintain” the independence of his realm. He observed, 
however, that the convention was “subordinate” to his authority, and 
could not `in any way’ bind his decisions.
“In the Interests of Whites against Blacks”
The British representative in Addis Ababa, John Harrington, one of 
the drafters and keenest supporters of the convention, was insistent 
that he and his French and Italian colleagues should abide closely by 
it. He urged the Foreign Office, most forcefully, in February 1907, that
 all three representatives should receive “strict orders to follow a 
policy in the interests of whites against blacks”, and that if any of 
them were “not in accord about any particular point, they should not 
disclose their difference of opinion to King Menelik, but refer the 
question to their respective Governments”.
Klobukowski
Despite his displeasure with the Convention, Menilek entered into a 
Treaty of Friendship and Commerce with France, on 10 January 1908. 
Signed by Antony Klobukowski, the French Minister in Addis Ababa, and 
generally referred to by his name, it laid down, in Article 5, that 
Ethiopia had the right freely to import fire-arms. This important 
proviso was intended to legalise the entry of weapons through Jibuti and
 the French Somaliland Protectorate. Menilek in return accepted a 
measure of French extra-territorial privilege. Article 7 specified that 
French subjects in Ethiopia involved in legal cases had to be tried 
according to French law, and, if detained, placed in the custody of the 
French Consul.
The Appointment of the First Ministers
Failing health, the increasing complexity of government, the danger 
to national independence inherent in the Tripartite Convention, and the 
need to take account of the question of succession, caused the Emperor 
to decide on the establishment of the country’s first cabinet. 
Established in October 1907 it consisted initially of nine trusted 
noblemen. They were respectively responsaible for justice, war, the 
interior, trade and foreign affairs, finance, agriculture, “writing”, 
i.e. of diplomatic correspondence and the royal chronicle, public works,
 and the palace. Their appointment stemmed, according to his chronicler,
 Gabra Sellas, Menilek’s desire to “implant European customs”.
Menilek also attempted to solve the succession question more 
directly. By then largely incapacitated by several strokes, he took the 
decisive step of designating a successor in May 1909. In a remarkable 
proclamation he reminded his subjects of the political difficulties 
which had followed the deaths of his predecessors Twodros and Yohannes, 
and announced that his twelve-year-old grandson Lej Iyasu, the son of 
his daughter Shawaragga by Ras Mika’el, the Oromo and former Muslim 
ruler of Wallo, was his chosen heir.
Despite Iyasu’s nomination as heir power was soon usurped by the 
dying monarch’s formidable wife Empress Taytu, who claimed to be acting 
in accordance with her incapacitated husband’s wishes. She succeeded in 
ousting some of her principal opponents, as well as in arranging a 
number of politically advantageous marriages. Her influence was, 
however, resented by many of the Shawan nobles, who feared that she, as a
 woman of Gondar, was bent on destroying their own political power. They
 rallied against her, and with the help of Abuna Matwos, and of the 
mahal safari, or palace guards, banished her from the capital. The 
government was then entrusted to one of Menilek’s loyal chiefs, Ras 
Tassama Nadew. He was appointed as Lej Iyasu’s regent, but soon 
afterwards fell ill, and died in April 1911. Two and a half years later 
Menilek himself finally passed away, on 13 December 1913.
On the death of Ras Tassama the Council of Ministers proposed 
appointing a new regent, but Iyasu, who had begun to enjoy his freedom, 
refused to accept one. Brushing aside the Ministers, he impetuously 
declared, “My father Menilek gave me a Regent, but God took him away!” 
Thus asserting his independence, he took control of the government, and 
toured the country. Returning to Addis Ababa he tried to remove his 
dying grandfather from the palace, but was prevented by the latter’s 
wife, Taytu, and daughter, Zawditu, supported by the palace guards. When
 eventually Menilek died Iyasu insisted on keeping the news secret, and 
offended many of his subjects by forbidding public mourning. He later 
became increasingly disrespectful to Menilek’s old nobles, and sneered 
at them that they had “grown old, and fat”. Not long after this he 
exiled both Taytu and Zawditu from the capital. The vested interests of 
Shawa retaliated by using his youth as a pretext for preventing him from
 being crowned.
 Source: http://www.linkethiopia.org
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